ATF Director Robert Shicada could not recite the Second Amendment from memory during his first congressional hearing. When Congressman Eli Crane read it aloud, the Director agreed that citizens need guns to protect themselves from their own government, which is now the government paying his salary and directing his agency. The Director confirmed that the founders placed the Second Amendment after the First Amendment because citizens wanted the opportunity to protect themselves against a tyrannical government, as they did not have a guarantee that the government would protect them.
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OMG: ATF Director CAN'T ANSWER basic Second Amendment Questionインデックス作成:
Rep. Eli Crane puts new ATF Director Robert Cekeda on the spot with one basic but powerful question: what does the Second Amendment say? The exchange quickly turns into a revealing Oversight hearing moment as Crane presses the ATF Director on the Constitution, the founders' intent, and whether the agency's allegiance is to political pressure or the rights of American citizens. Cekeda admits he cannot recite the Second Amendment, then acknowledges the founders wanted citizens to be able to defend themselves against a tyrannical government. Crane also brings up the case of Navy veteran Patrick Tate Adamiac, calling his 20-year sentence a miscarriage of justice tied to regulatory interpretation rather than harmful conduct. This moment exposes the tension between federal power, gun rights, and constitutional accountability. #SecondAmendment #ATF #EliCrane #GunRights #Constitution #OversightCommittee #2A #RobertCekeda #PatrickAdamiac #Congress
ATF Director Robert Cicada could not recite the Second Amendment, the law his entire agency exists to enforce. GOP Congressman Eli Crane read it aloud for him, then spent 5 minutes asking him what the founders meant when they wrote it. He agreed that citizens need guns to protect themselves from their own government, which is now the government paying his salary and directing his agency. At the same hearing, a Democrat submitted proof into the record that his agency dropped gun crime cases to move agents into immigration enforcement. If the man running the ATF cannot tell you the law he enforces from memory and his agency is already making calls about which crimes in your city get investigated and which ones do not, those calls are based on his priorities, not yours. Watch this.
>> Uh, Representative Crane from Arizona, gentleman recogniz >> I'd just like to enter an article for the record if that's possible.
>> Yes, ma'am.
>> Uh, article is entitled gun crime cases fall as agent shift to immigration crackdown. It's very comprehensive and I'm very deeply concerned that our witness is not being honest with his answers.
>> Without objection and into the record, Mr. Crane is recognized for 5 minutes for question.
>> Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to say thank you, Director Cicada, for uh coming to testify before the oversight committee. You are the new director of the ATF. Is that correct?
>> Yes, sir.
>> Um not to put you on the spot, but this is obviously important. Director, what what does the Second Amendment say? Uh, sorry. I wouldn't be able to uh uh I wouldn't be able to read.
>> I'll read it because I feel like it's lacking in this committee room right now. A well- reggulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.
What does that mean to you, director?
Well, sir, uh I I think uh I'm going to be careful with this one because I tried uh during my hearing to tell you that I not you, but the members of the Senate uh to uh tell you that how much ATF and myself uh respect the Second Amendment uh the Constitution uh and doing so making making sure we maintain that balance. There are uh uh portions of the Gun Control Act that obviously prohibit certain individuals uh who have been convicted of certain crimes uh from possessing firearms. And I think ATF uh makes sure that we keep our focus on uh any infringements that would come out of the Gun Control Act that it stays focused on those persons. The law should be prohibited.
>> Do you find it notable that our founders put that right after the first amendment?
>> Sarah, I apologize. My hearing is bad.
>> It's okay. Uh do you find it notable that our founding fathers put the second amendment right after the first amendment?
>> Yes, sir.
Why do you believe that our founders wanted to give the citizens the right to defend themselves?
>> Um, I think uh at the time in particular uh the citizenry did not have a guarantee that the government would protect them and they wanted to have the opportunity to protect themselves against a tyrannical government.
>> Bingo. I'm glad you said that because a lot of people when they they think about the Second Amendment, they really don't look at the context of when it was written and the fact that our founders had just fought against a government. Is that correct?
>> Yes, sir.
>> Thank you. I just want to make sure that uh you know we're on the same page on that. Have you noticed that uh my Democrat colleagues today have focused on the influence and allegiances of yourself to the and the ATF to the NRA, Gun Owners of America and Firearms Manufacturers have on you guys? Have you noticed that?
>> Yes, sir.
>> Did you notice though that none of them asked you about your allegiance and the influence that the Constitution has on you and other members of the ATF?
>> Yes, sir.
>> Why do you think that is, director? Um, well, sir, I'll give you my opinion. I think that uh uh uh the folks that had the uh well, the one gentleman that had a discussion with me in particular didn't want to look back at the last administration when uh that administration carried out verbatim exactly what the president asked of them. Uh and uh I've worked with both both uh the the some of the members that are sitting here behind me and the members from the NRA, NSSF, GOA, whoever would talk to me in the last administration as well. And I wasn't demonized then, but I am being demonized now because I'm not being uh I'm not uh falling in line with what was perceived to be good uh today. Uh and I think that's uh part of the problem that we have here. We should be focusing on the criminals uh not each other. We are not the people uh that are killing folks in our streets. And we are very close to solving that problem when we want to. I see it being done over and over and I've seen it for the last 30 years. When we hold the criminals accountable, crime goes down. And I I will tell you, the last administration, one of the first steps that I saw come out of DOJ was a letter that went out to uh all law enforcement personnel telling us to not charge anyone with any min any statute that carries a minimum mandatory sentence because they didn't want to see anyone put in prison for a long time.
That's not the way to solve violent crime. I'm sorry.
>> I want to bring up a specific case to you. Um, this one involved a gentleman named Patrick Tate Adamiac. He was a Navy vet. He was honorably discharged.
Uh, Mr. Tate is a non-violent offender and the items involved in his case were incapable of firing and historically treated as an exempt from the federal firearm regulation under 27 CFR and 478.11.
He has been incarcerated since October 21, 2022, serving a 20year federal sentence and I and many of my colleagues believe are disproportionately severe for a case centered on regulatory interpretation rather than harmful conduct. Will you commit to having your agency look into this case and see if anything can be done to address this miscarriage of uh justice? Sir, I just would like to let you know we have uh been in contact with uh Mr. Adamak's attorney. Uh we have looked at some of the uh the evidence and uh we are working with DOJ. Uh I will tell you I understand DOJ is looking at the case as well for resentencing scheduled in June.
Uh with that I don't know the specific facts on the DOJ side, but we are working on that as well.
>> Thank you sir. I yield back.
>> The gentleman yields. Mr. Clyde from Georgia is recognized for five. Let's start with who's actually running the ATF. Robert Shicada started with the New York City Police Department, moved to the Plantation Police Department in Broward County, Florida, and joined the ATF as a special agent in 2005. He spent more than 20 years rising through the ranks field operations headquarters assignments, special agent in charge of the Miami and Baltimore divisions, then executive assistant director for operations. The Senate confirmed him 59 to39 on April 29th in a vote where members of both parties said yes. He took office the next morning. And that hearing you just watched, that was his first time testifying before Congress as director ever. And here's how fast things moved after that confirmation.
Within hours before the ceremony was even finished, he signed 34 new government rule changes in a single afternoon. The country's temporary top law enforcement officer, Todd Blanch, co-announced what the ATF called its new era of reform, a package that canceled a Biden era rule about a gun accessory called a pistol brace, revised the machine gun definition in response to a Supreme Court ruling, and reduced the rules that government licensed gun dealers had to follow. Blanch told reporters the package contained more rules than the ATF had issued in the previous 15 years combined. The NRA called it the biggest single day rewrite of the AY's rules in its entire history.
That is the mindset and agenda behind every answer he gave when Congress questioned him two weeks later. But here's the thing, that hearing was actually built around a very specific legal question that was never addressed in the exchange you just heard. A congressional subcommittee, a small working group within the larger committee, met to examine how the ATF handled a federal law called the Thieart amendment, which limits how law enforcement's gun tracking records can be shared with the public. Under the Biden administration, Democratic members had pushed repeatedly to loosen those restrictions, arguing that wider access would help identify irresponsible gun dealers. Republicans argued those protections exist to prevent licensed dealers from being publicly targeted.
And for more than a decade before he took office, the agency had operated without a permanent director who had been officially approved by the Senate, cycling through acting heads whose priorities shifted with every single administration. Think about that. The question of who the agency ultimately answers to isn't rhetorical. It's a deeprooted problem that had never been resolved until 15 days before this hearing. Now look, the concern Democrats raised is not nothing. That CNN investigation wasn't opinion. By October of 2025, 219 ATF criminal investigators had left the agency nearly 40% more departures than the previous four years combined, according to Reuters Review of Personnel Records. Charges under the two most commonly enforced federal gun laws fell by 32% from the prior year, the lowest level in at least 25 years. About half of the remaining workforce spent at least some of 2025 on immigration enforcement rather than gun cases. That concern about accountability is real.
But Chairman Klay Higgins of Louisiana ran that subcommittee with the completely opposite focus, examining whether the prior leadership had used the AY's power to make rules that pressured law-abiding gun owners rather than go after violent criminals. Two very different sets of concerns about the agency. Neither fully addressed in 5-minute Q&A rounds. So, who is Eli Crane and why does it matter that he's the one asking these questions? The week after September 11th, he dropped out of the University of Arizona and enlisted in the Navy. He graduated from basic underwater demolition and SEAL training, joined SEAL Team 3, and completed five wartime deployments over 13 years of service, three of them in Iraq. He left the military in 2014. And here's why.
What you just watched matters beyond the exchange itself. What the director confirmed under oath wasn't just a history lesson. The idea that the Second Amendment exists to protect people from an abusive, power- hungry government is the broadest possible reading of what the amendment is actually for, and an agency head agreeing with it in an official government hearing creates a permanent written record of how its own leadership understands the limits of the right it's supposed to be protecting.
After a major 2022 Supreme Court ruling, courts now require the government to show that any gun law matches the kind of rules that existed when the country was founded. His official under oath statement about what the founders intended is exactly the kind of evidence future people challenging gun laws in court can cite against the government.
That question means something different coming from a man who enlisted to defend that document the week the Twin Towers fell. Now let me tell you who Patrick Tate Adamia is because this is where it gets genuinely alarming. He enlisted in the Navy at 17. He served more than a decade, reached the rank of petty officer first class, a mid-level enlisted rank in the Navy, and had active orders to report to basic underwater demolition and SEAL training at the very moment of his arrest in 2022. He'd been running a legal gun parts business since 2016, buying and selling used military parts and gear on gunbroker.com, one of that platform's top 500 dealers.
According to investigative reporting by the Second Amendment Foundation, he never sold a single item that required a governmentissued license to sell. He described his inventory as non-regulated gun parts. The ATF saw it differently.
Here's how the investigation started. A paid ATF informant reported falsely, according to SAF investigative reporting, that he had a militarystyle grenade launcher. The ATF executed a search warrant. What did they find?
deactivated non-working rocket launcher training props, fake weapons that cannot fire cut up and non-functional gun components, and items multiple independent experts identified as toys.
ATF Firearms Enforcement Officer Jeffrey Bodell then testified at trial that those items were illegal machine guns and dangerous weapons. His attorneys and independent firearms experts have challenged those claims point by point.
His defenders argue that similar items appear for sale today across multiple online platforms listed openly without the paperwork that regulated firearms require. That remains a core dispute in the case. Now, here is where you need to understand how the sentence actually happened. Federal sentencing rules work on a point system that goes from 1 to 43. Higher points, longer sentence. He entered that calculation with zero criminal record of any kind. The least severe starting position available.
Prosecutors then piled on extra points.
based on how many items were part of the charges. At one point, they argued that 977 pieces of uncut sheet metal constituted 977 individual machine guns.
An expert witness challenged that successfully. The final sentence was 20 years. Let that sink in. His supporters note that figure equals the same sentence given to people convicted of possessing fully functional registered machine guns. comparison they say is wildly unfair for someone with no prior record whose defense maintained the items were nonfunctional or mclassified.
And look, I want to be completely clear about what happened when this went to appeal. In October of 2025, a powerful federal appeals court, one step below the Supreme Court, issued its ruling.
His attorneys argued there wasn't enough evidence to support the conviction and challenge the indictment, the jury instructions, the laws themselves, and the Second Amendment. The court rejected every single one of those arguments. It found there was enough evidence for any reasonable jury to convict, found the instructions accurate, and explicitly concluded the lower court made no mistake in sentencing. His second amendment challenge was blocked by older rulings from that same court, meaning it applied those older rulings instead of the newer legal standard the Supreme Court set in 2022. One point went to the defense. One conviction violated the part of the constitution called the double jeopardy clause. The rule that says the government cannot charge someone twice for the exact same act.
That count came off. A court that cleared the evidence, the sentence, and the laws, but still acknowledged the government charged him twice for the same act, sends the case back with that single adjustment and nothing more. So, here's where things stand. Court records show resentencing falls on June 25th.
Five weeks from today, the same judge who handed down the original sentence will decide his sentence again after the appeals court ordered one conviction thrown out and sent the case back for re-sentencing. New defense council entered the case in March of this year.
And what does involvement from the Department of Justice actually mean?
Because that question has a very specific answer. Since a 2005 Supreme Court ruling, federal sentencing point totals are only a starting suggestion for judges. They must consider them, but aren't bound by them. The government can file an official written recommendation asking the judge to give a lighter sentence than the point total suggests or simply choose not to fight the defense's request for a reduced sentence. Either move gives the judge real power to hand down a lower sentence without needing to prove the first judge was wrong. The key question is whether the local prosecutors get instructions from leadership at the Department of Justice in Washington to take one of those steps or stay quiet and let the same guidelines produce the same result.
Nobody knows what the outcome will be.
And this is where the stakes get even higher. The very same day as this hearing, the Supreme Court held its weekly conference and considered his formal request to hear the case. Two separate groups of gun rights organizations had filed formal written arguments urging the justices to agree to hear the case. SAF led a group of six organizations, including the National Rifle Association and the California Rifle and Pistol Association, filing on May 4th. The National Association for Gun Rights joined with two firearms companies in a separate brief a week later. Both raised second amendment arguments that appeals court had declined to reach. The Supreme Court's official records show the request was denied on May 18th. When the court refuses to hear a case like this, it doesn't mean the legal arguments were wrong. The justices simply turn away the vast majority of requests they receive without ever weighing in on whether the arguments hold up. What it means practically, this petition ends here.
But here's something that came out today that you need to know. Bearing Arms published an interview with the director in which he addressed this case directly. He defended the agency's investigation and the arrest itself. And then he said, "The prison term handed down was, and I'm going to quote him directly here, a sentence that I have not seen for a case like that." Read that again. The head of the agency, whose agents ran the sting, whose paid informant triggered the search, and whose officer testified at trial, just told a firearms news outlet he's never encountered a sentence like this one in 30 years. That admission came from the director of the agency itself, and it carries weight precisely because of who it's coming from. And look, SAF's argument to the Supreme Court raised something that reaches far beyond one sailor's case. Their brief argued that lower federal courts have built what they called a restrictive Goldilocks test, a trick that lets the government skip the hardest part of the legal test by deciding upfront that certain weapons don't even count as protected arms under the Second Amendment. They argue that appeals court's treatment of his case reflects that exact pattern because the panel dismissed his second amendment challenge by pointing to older rulings from that same court rather than conducting the historical analysis the brief says the law now requires. The justices didn't take it up, but the argument establishes why this case points at something much bigger, a deeper problem in how courts across the country handle second amendment cases and not just a dispute over one man's sentencing math. So, let me leave you with this. The ATF started the 1993 Waco raid, a firearms investigation that began with undercover work and ended 51 days later with 76 people dead, including 25 children. It started the Ruby Ridge incident through a minor gun charge that grew into a federal standoff, leaving three people dead.
Under previous leadership, it ran Operation Fast and Furious, a program that allowed roughly 2,000 weapons to flow to Mexican drug cartels, two of which were recovered at the murder of Border Patrol agent Brian Terry in 2010.
It kept enforcing a rule about a gun accessory even after federal courts had already struck that rule down. And 6 days ago, its director confirmed under oath on the congressional record that the amendment exists to protect citizens from a government willing to misuse its power. 5 weeks from now, a federal judge will decide how many more years a Navy veteran spends behind bars for items his defenders say never should have triggered a prosecution at all, while a federal appeals court has already said the evidence was sufficient and the sentence carried no error. Everything argued here comes down to the re-sentencing on June 25th. The amendment the director put on the congressional record only holds practical meaning if the system is willing to examine hard cases like this one with the same seriousness it applies to the text. Right now, one man is waiting to find out whether it will.
Thank you for watching and being part of the discussion. I want to know your take, so leave a comment and join the conversation below. If you got value from this video, hit the like button and help push it to more people. Tap the bell icon so you stay updated whenever a new video goes live. Subscribe to the channel for more political commentary and current event coverage. Thanks for watching and I will see you guys in the next video.
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